Christology and Trinity

I have to admit, I am very amused by how often this discussion seems to go in circles rather than address the actual points I am making directly.

And I think that is starting to create a serious asymmetry in the discussion.

My Catholic background is repeatedly treated as an interpretive framework that may be colouring the evidence, while your own congregational background is acknowledged and then effectively neutralized by saying that you “try not to let it colour” your interpretation and instead rely on historians and context.

But surely you can see the problem there, because I could say exactly the same thing about myself: I know I am Catholic, I know that this gives me certain expectations, and I therefore deliberately compare my reading with primary sources and with historians who are not Catholic and in some cases are openly critical of Catholicism. Or are you trying to tell me that Von Harnack has a pro-catholic bias?

Neither of us acquires neutrality simply by saying that we are trying to be neutral.

And, interestingly, in your previous post you explicitly said: “from this background, I probably interpret the pre-Nicene texts differently than you.”

So you yourself acknowledged that your ecclesial background affects the way you read the evidence.

Now the formulation has become that you try not to let your background colour your interpretation and instead let historians guide you.

Fine. I have no objection to that at all.

But then the obvious next question is: which historians?

You have made a specific historical claim: that before Nicaea there was no unified Catholic Church, but rather something closer to a network of autonomous local churches sharing common roots and cooperating with one another.

If that conclusion comes primarily from historical scholarship rather than from your own congregational framework, then please show me the historians who actually argue for that model.

Not historians who merely say that early Church structures developed over time. I agree with that.

Not historians who say that local churches possessed substantial autonomy. I agree with that too.

I mean historians who actually support the stronger proposition you have been making: that the pre-Nicene Church was not already understood as one universal apostolic Church possessing a normative common faith and supra-local structures of authority.

Because one of the historians you yourself cited, Justo González, says that the second-century churches: “all agreed on the one faith, and could jointly prove that this faith was indeed apostolic.”

That already sounds considerably stronger than a loose network of autonomous congregations.

And then there is Adolf von Harnack, who could hardly be accused of trying to vindicate Roman Catholicism.

Harnack explicitly describes the isolation of Scripture from ecclesiastical tradition as a sixteenth-century revolution and says that in Christian antiquity “the Church, its doctrine, institutions, and constitution, were held, in and by themselves, to constitute the source of knowledge and the authoritative guarantee of truth.”

So this is not simply me taking Catholic categories and forcing them into ancient texts. And most definitely the Protestants Von Harnack cannot be accused of trying to validate catholic theology.

A historian who was deeply critical of Catholic dogmatic development still concluded that the ancient Church did not operate according to an isolated Bible interpreted autonomously by local congregations.

And that is precisely why I keep trying to bring the discussion back to the evidence (which is exactly what you are running from, or so it seems, which brings to to go in circles) rather than our respective psychological frameworks.

At some point, “we have different frames of interpretation” stops answering the historical argument.

We definitely interpret texts differently, rhe question is whether those interpretations are equally capable of explaining the evidence.

They are not automatically equal merely because both are possible in our own minds.

If Irenaeus speaks of one Church, one faith, one tradition, one house, one soul, one heart and one mouth; if he uses apostolic succession and the worldwide agreement of the churches as criteria for identifying authentic Christianity; if Cyprian says “The episcopate is one” and “The Church also is one”; and if even Harnack concludes that Scripture remained embedded in authoritative ecclesiastical tradition and interpretation, then simply saying that these things look different from within your own framework does not resolve the historical AND doctrinal problem (because most Protestants, unlike Von Harnack, say that their view is theologically correct because it goes to the roots of Christianity).

Otherwise there is no evidence that could ever count against your model.

Every inconvenient text could simply be answered with: “I interpret that differently.”

That is not historical methodology. That is a model protecting itself from any possible falsification. It is not all that different, structurally, from the fringe fundamentalist claim that contrary evidence can simply be dismissed as something Satan placed there to deceive us. *

Once every piece of evidence against a position can be reinterpreted as further confirmation of the position (or as something that has no value and can be dismissed and ignored, so that subjectivism may reign supreme), the model has insulated itself from being tested at all.

So yes, I completely agree that context matters and that none of us is perfectly neutral, but rather than continuing to discuss whose background may or may not be colouring whose interpretation, I would much rather deal with the concrete historical question:

  1. Which historians actually support your specific reconstruction of the pre-Nicene Church?

  2. And how do they account for the evidence from Irenaeus, Cyprian, apostolic succession, trans-local doctrinal unity, and the developing structures of ecclesial authority? If Irenaeus says one Church, one faith, one tradition, one house, one soul, one heart, one mouth; if he appeals to apostolic succession as a criterion of authentic doctrine; if Cyprian says “The episcopate is one” and “The Church also is one”; if Scripture was interpreted under an ecclesial creed; if bishops were regarded as successors of the Apostles; and if ecumenical councils acquired binding doctrinal authority throughout orthodox Christianity.

    If all of this is true (and if it isn’t it should be proven) then how can we answer those questions?

That is the point I have been asking you to address, and so far you haven’t. You are, of course, perfectly entitled not to engage with the evidence (you are less entitled to degrade it to mere intepretation colored by catholic views, because the words of the Fathers are very clear, and if they actually aren’t it should be explained why), but if you choose not to, the asymmetry in this discussion becomes even more obvious.

*”there ought to be no doubt whatever that the popular forms of geology and paleontology should be included as ‘sciences of satanic origin.’” (George McCready Price, Theories of Satanic Origin, citato in Ronald L. Numbers, “‘Sciences of Satanic Origin’: Adventist Attitudes Toward Evolutionary Biology and Geology,” Spectrum 9, no. 4 (January 1979), p. 17 ) https://www.andrews.edu/library/car/cardigital/Periodicals/Spectrum/1977-1978_Vol_9/22253165.READER_030.pdf

I guess that here our different use of language and expressions complicate the communication. We seem to use the same language (English) and similar words but the messages of the words differ. It is somewhat difficult for me to express myself in a non-native language so that you would understand exactly what I mean. I try to clarify:

I do agree that pre-Nicene churches formed one ecumenical, apostolic and universal church (sensu lato).

What I tried to express is that this church was in practice a network of local churches, rather than an organization with a unified leadership - no bishop having dominance above the other bishops, no centralized administration.
As I wrote, the development towards supra-local structures had already started by the council of Nicaea but there was not yet a wider united organization in the same sense as in the current RCC or Orthodox churches.

If we necessarily want to interpret the church as a united catholic church, it might be viewed as something closer to the later eastern Orthodox church than the later RCC. It was mainly within the Roman empire or its influence, the emperor was the leader of the whole empire (including Christians) and there was no leader (bishop) that had been set above the other regional or local bishops.

Even if it may have been closer to Orthodox than the church of Rome, I would say that it did not yet resemble even the eastern Orthodox church. Eastern Orthodox church has also a rather exclusive attitude on being the only correct church (not truly ecumenical), and relies on regionally centralized church systems.

I am not sure whether the reformation got the structure of Christian authority right and I am not claiming that. The reformation was not planned as such anyway. It resulted from desperation of a devout RCC priest who saw the morality of RCC church were crumbling around him. In his efforts to at least reform / warn the Church, he was forced to depart from the inside to the outside. Let’s look at Luther’s speech again.

Martin Luther’s Speech at the Imperial Diet in Worms (18 April 1521)

  1. Most Serene Emperor, Illustrious Princes, Gracious Lords:
  2. I this day appear before you in all humility, according to your command, and I implore your majesty and your august highnesses, by the mercies of God, to listen with favor to the defense of a cause which I am well assured is just and right. I ask pardon, if by reason of my ignorance, I am wanting in the manners that befit a court; for I have not been brought up in king’s palaces, but in the seclusion of a cloister; and I claim no other merit than that of having spoken and written with the simplicity of mind which regards nothing but the glory of God and the pure instruction of the people of Christ.
  3. Two questions were yesterday put to me by his imperial majesty; the first, whether I was the author of the books whose titles were read; the second, whether I wished to revoke or defend the doctrine I have taught. I answered the first directly, and I adhere to that answer: that these books are mine and published by me, except so far as they may have been altered or interpolated by the craft or officiousness of opponents. As for the second question, I am now about to reply to it; and I must first entreat your Majesty and your Highnesses to deign to consider that I have composed writings on very different subjects. In some I have discussed Faith and Good Works, in a spirit at once so pure, clear, and Christian, that even my adversaries themselves, far from finding anything to censure, confess that these writings are profitable, and deserve to be perused by devout persons. The pope’s bull, violent as it is, acknowledges this. What, then, should I be doing if I were now to retract these writings? Wretched man! I alone, of all men living, should be abandoning truths approved by the unanimous voice of friends and enemies, and should be opposing doctrines that the whole world glories in confessing!
  4. I have composed, secondly, certain works against the papacy, wherein I have attacked such as by false doctrines, irregular lives, and scandalous examples, afflict the Christian world, and ruin the bodies and souls of men. And is not this confirmed by the grief of all who fear God? Is it not manifest that the laws and human doctrines of the popes entangle, vex, and distress the consciences of the faithful, while the crying and endless extortions of Rome engulf the property and wealth of Christendom, and more particularly of this illustrious nation? Yet it is a perpetual statute that the laws and doctrines of the pope be held erroneous and reprobate when they are contrary to the Gospel and the opinions of the church fathers.
  5. If I were to revoke what I have written on that subject, what should I do but strengthen this tyranny, and open a wider door to so many and flagrant impieties? Bearing down all resistance with fresh fury, we should behold these proud men swell, foam, and rage more than ever! And not merely would the yoke which now weighs down Christians be made more grinding by my retractation it would thereby become, so to speak, lawful, for, by my retractation, it would receive confirmation from your most serene majesty, and all the States of the Empire. Great God! I should thus be like to an infamous cloak, used to hide and cover over every kind of malice and tyranny.
  6. In the third and last place, I have written some books against private individuals, who had undertaken to defend the tyranny of Rome by destroying the faith. I freely confess that I may have attacked such persons with more violence than was consistent with my profession as an ecclesiastic: I do not think of myself as a saint; but neither can I retract these books. Because I should, by so doing, sanction the impieties of my opponents, and they would thence take occasion to crush God’s people with still more cruelty.
  7. Yet, as I am a mere man, and not God, I will defend myself after the example of Jesus Christ, who said: “If I have spoken evil, bear witness against me; but if well, why doest thou strike me?” (John xviii:23). How much more should I, who am but dust and ashes, and so prone to error, desire that every one should bring forward what he can against my doctrine. Therefore, most serene emperor, and you illustrious princes, and all, whether high or low, who hear me, I implore you by the mercies of God to prove to me by the writings of the prophets and apostles that I am in error. As soon as I shall be convinced, I will instantly retract all my errors, and will myself be the first to seize my writings, and commit them to the flames.
  8. What I have just said will, I think, clearly show that I have well considered and weighed, not only the dangers to which I am exposing myself, but also the parties and dissensions excited in the world by means of my doctrine, of which I was yesterday so gravely admonished. But far from being dismayed by them, I rejoice exceedingly to see the Gospel this day, as of old, a cause of disturbance and disagreement; for such is the character and destiny of God’s word. “I came not to send peace unto the earth, but a sword,” said Jesus Christ. “For I am come to set a man at variance against his father, and the daughter against her mother, and the daughter-in-law against her mother-in-law; and a man’s foees shall be those of his own household.” (Matthew x:34-36)
  9. God is wonderful and terrible in His counsels. Let us have a care, lest in our endeavors to arrest discords, we be bound to fight against the holy word of God and bring down upon our heads a frightful deluge of inextricable dangers, present disaster, and everlasting desolations. Let us have a care that the reign of the young and noble prince, the Emperor Charles, on whom, next to God, we build so many hopes, should not only commence, but continue and terminate its course, under the most favorable auspices.
  10. I might cite examples drawn from the oracles of God. I might speak of Pharaohs, of kings of Babylon, or of Israel, who were never more contributing to their own ruin than when, by measures in appearances most prudent, they thought to establish their authority! God removeth the mountains and they know not (Job ix:5). In speaking thus, I do not suppose that such noble princes have need of my poor judgment; but I wish to acquit myself of a duty whose fulfillment my native Germany has a right to expect from her children. And so commending myself to your august majesty, and your most serene highnesses, I beseech you in all humility, not to permit the hatred of my enemies to rain upon me an indignation I have not deserved. I have done.

[Having delivered this speech in German, Luther was now asked to repeat it in Latin. After some hesitation, he did so. He was then reminded that he should answer a simple question: whether he would recant or not. Thus he continued:

Since your most serene majesty and your lordships require of me a simple, clear and direct answer, I will give one, and it is this: Unless I am convinced by the testimony of the Scriptures and by clear reason (for I do not trust in the pope or councils alone, since it is well known that they have often erred and contradicted themselves), I am bound by the Scriptures I have quoted. My conscience is captive to the Word of God. I cannot and I will not retract anything, since it is neither safe nor right to go against conscience. Here I stand. I cannot do otherwise. God help me. Amen.

Thus began the reformation. Was Luther wrong in his zeal for the Church? Maybe or maybe not. At least he genuinely trying to bring correction to the Church that he loved so much even if it was against the authority of the Church itself. Did Luther have a high regard for the Church fathers? Definitely. Therefore it was forced upon Luther to retract his own teaching.
I don’t personally know your thought concerning Martin Luther. I can’t blame the protestant afterward to have such a low view of the authority of the Church when it had been abused.

If you are in the position of Luther as the teacher of the bible and knowledgable as he was with the doctrine of the church and also the Scripture, can you blame Luther for doing this? I personally applaud him.
Why then the situation had created this chaos of 47,000 denomination with no central authority? if we play the blame games, then everybody might play a role in that. Luther himself confessed that he was a sinner, and not perfect by any means and making many mistakes. He might be too harsh in certain areas that he himself admitted. How about RCC? Did they have a role in this chaotic reformation? I believe they did. Instead of taking Luther’s protest head on by discussing the issues, they were only interested in his retraction of his protest and banned his teaching when Luther refused to do so. So I guess we can look at the reformation from many other angles. How can you blame the reformers to have such a low view of the authority of the Church when the RCC itself refused even to hear a correction from their own clergyman who was unquestionably devout and sincere in his protest? How can you blame Luther to resort to the written Scripture only as the final authority when the authority of RCC with its tradition would not even listen to reasonable correction?

That is you opinion, belief, judgment, whatever. What has it got to do with me?

You did not answer

Why must I believe what you do!

Richard

Edit

If you can’t imagine the consequences of becoming a fallen Catholic, What does that do for someone who never was Catholic?

Can you not see the judgmentalism that automatically follows?

I don’t think I’ll be able to reply today. I’ve written about half of my response, but the argument is quite complex and there’s a lot to unpack. I should have it ready tomorrow, especially since I have other things to take care of today, including family stuff.

But I’ll get back to you and Miekhie. There are quite a few things that need to be clarified.

Have a good Sunday, both of you.